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Tennessee, the Compromise of 1850, and 
the Nashville Convention 


BY 

ST. GEORGE L. SIOUSSAT 




Reprinted from the Mississippi 
Valley Historical Review 
Vol. II, December, 1915 








£■•« 3 

























«. V 

























. 






















































TENNESSEE, THE COMPROMISE OF 1850, AND THE 
NASHVILLE CONVENTION 

Upon the expiration of the long drawn-out congressional day 
of March 3, 1849, James K. Polk, the retiring president of the 
United States, spent Sunday, March 4, as quietly as possible. 
Having attended the First Presbyterian church, he parted af¬ 
fectionately with those in whose midst he had worshiped dur¬ 
ing the four years of his presidency. The following day, after 
the ceremonies of the inauguration of President Taylor had been 
concluded, Polk, accompanied by a considerable party, departed 
from Washington to travel, by a circuitous route, to his home in 
Tennessee. On April 2 he reached Nashville and found there a 
great concourse of people assembled to greet him. Though ex¬ 
hausted by his journey and not yet recovered from an illness 
which had attacked him some days before, he was obliged to 
drive with Aaron V. Brown, 1 his long time associate and political 
friend, to the public square, to hear a speech and to make one. 
The next day he rode with Mrs. Polk to inspect a new house 
which he intended to be his future residence. Later in the same 
week he visited Columbia, to see his aged mother. On the six¬ 
teenth the party returned to Nashville, spending the night at the 

i Representative from Tennessee in the twenty-sixth, twenty-seventh, and twenty- 
eighth congresses: elected governor of Tennessee in 1845, and defeated for reelection 
in 1847 by Neil S. Brown. He is said to have been responsible for the democratic 
platform of 1852. In 1857 he was appointed postmaster general by Buchanan, and 
died in office. He was a facile speaker and writer, and some of his productions were 
gathered together in a volume entitled Speeches, congressional and political, and 
other writings of Ex-Governor Aaron V. Brown of Tennessee . . . (Nashville, 1854). 


Gilt 
Author 
A AUG ic 


314 


M. V. H. R. 


St. George L. Sioussat 

house of Aaron V. Brown. After chronicling other visits and 
matters of minor importance, the diary, so carefully kept by 
Polk, closes with an entry for June 2, 1849. Two weeks later 
Polk had passed away, having been granted no time to enjoy 
the “library of books’’ which he had found pleasure in arrang¬ 
ing in the new house. 2 

When the diarist had completed his notes for the last days of 
his presidential term, he did not undertake further entries of a 
political nature. No word of comment is found upon the course 
of the new administration in Washington, or upon the political 
campaign for which the parties in Tennessee were preparing, 
though both matters must have recalled to Polk the experiences 
which he had met in his long political career. As in his own case 
four years before, the presidential appointments to executive 
office were the subject of criticism, both from the opposition 
party and from the friends of the administration. The whigs 
confined their misgivings to private correspondence: the demo¬ 
cratic complaints filled the newspapers. 3 In this year the people 
were to elect a governor, members of the assembly, and repre¬ 
sentatives in congress. In April, according to the custom of 
Tennessee, were held the party conventions; in August followed 
the election; in October the assembly met; in November members 
of congress departed for Washington. Between May and Au¬ 
gust the candidates engaged in joint debate in every section of 

2 J. K. Polk,, The diary of James K. Polk, during his presidency 1845 to 1849, 
edited by M. M. Quaife (Chicago, 1910), 4: 372 et seq. 

3 ‘ 1 The appointments that have been made in Tennessee have not given satisfac¬ 
tion.William B. Campbell to David Campbell of Virginia, May 14, 1849. Manu¬ 
script belonging to Mr. Lemuel R. Campbell of Nashville. This is one of a large 
number of letters written by William B. Campbell, one of the most prominent of the 
whigs in Tennessee, to his uncle, Governor David Campbell of Virginia. For the use 
of this correspondence I am under obligation to Mr. L. R. Campbell. 

On the democratic side, besides the newspapers of that party, passim, there is an 
interesting comparison by Cave Johnson of the appointments made by the new ad¬ 
ministration with those of his own making as postmaster general under Polk, in letters 
written by Johnson, on his return to his home in Clarksville, Tennessee, to James 
Buchanan, June 17 and August 12, 1849. These letters are taken from a large num¬ 
ber written by Johnson to Buchanan which are among the Buchanan manuscripts in 
the possession of the Pennsylvania Historical Society which has kindly consented to 
their use. The collection will hereafter be cited as Johnson-Buchanan letters. Cave 
Johnson, it should be stated, was a devoted adherent of Buchanan and sought to 
bring about his nomination for the presidency. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


315 


the state “from Carter to Shelby,’’ to the peril of their health, 
but to the delight of the crowds who preferred to hear political 
topics discussed in a duel between orators rather than to read 
political essays in the newspapers. In this year the wliigs sought 
to reelect Neil S. Brown, who in 1847 had wrested the governor¬ 
ship from Polk’s friend, Aaron V. Brown. To understand the 
principles at issue in the campaign it is necessary briefly to re¬ 
view the situation 'of public affairs when Polk surrendered the 
control of the national government to the whigs. 

The sectional controversy over the boundaries and the organ¬ 
ization of the territory acquired from Mexico by the treaty of 
Guadalupe Hidalgo, and particularly the problem of the admis¬ 
sion or the exclusion of slave property from this territory, over¬ 
shadowed all other political issues. The failure alike of Polk’s 
plan of extending the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific, of 
the so-called Clayton compromise, and of the “Walker Amend¬ 
ment,” which met its death in the closing hours of the thirtieth 
congress, left the territories in the hands of the executive — 
except that congress did extend to California the revenue laws 
of the United States. But before the adjournment of congress 
there had developed under the leadership of Calhoun that move¬ 
ment which was regarded in such a sinister light by those de¬ 
voted to the union, and by none more than by Polk, who inherited 
and cherished the traditions of Andrew Jackson. The proceed¬ 
ings of Calhoun and his associates were published at length in 
the Nashville papers and were accompanied with widely varying 
comments. The whig journal took up the favorite diversion of 
its party: that of denouncing the northern free soil element in 
the democratic party. 4 The Nashville Union , the leading mouth¬ 
piece of the democratic organization, defended the northern 
democrats and denounced the course of John Bell, the whig 
senator from Tennessee, who, with Alexander H. Stephens of 
Georgia, had turned his back, the Union charged, upon the 
South. 5 It was, as one would expect, the policy of the demo¬ 
cratic party to undertake to defend the rights of the South. 

When the democratic state convention met upon April 19, the 
choice of the delegates, by a great majority, fell upon William 

4 Nashville True Whig, May 17, 1849. 

5 Nashville Union , February 14, 1849. 


316 


M. V. H. E. 


St. George L. Sioussat 

Trousdale of Sumner county, a man of military reputation who 
was soon affectionately named “the veteran of three wars.” 6 The 
platform voiced approval of the policies of the outgoing demo¬ 
cratic administration of Polk, and continued with very positive 
statements that the federal government possessed no rightful 
control over the institution of slavery such as to impair the 
rights of the slaveholders; that all the territories were the com¬ 
mon property of the states, and the enactment by congress of 
any law preventing citizens from emigrating with their property 
constituted a violation of state rights; that there would be no 
difficulty in choosing between “the only alternatives that will 
then remain, of abject submission to aggression and outrage on 
the one hand, or on the other by the adoption at all hazards and 
to the last extremity of such measures as will vindicate our con¬ 
stitutional rights ’’; and concluded by declaring that in the event 
of the passage of the Wilmot proviso, or any law abolishing 
slavery or the slave trade from the District of Columbia, “we 
are ready heart and soul with a united front” to join Vir¬ 
ginia and the other southern states in such measures as might be 
proper “whether through a Southern convention or otherwise.” 7 

As the canvass proceeded Cave Johnson wrote to Buchanan 
that Trousdale’s chances were good. Besides the old questions 
of the bank, tariff, etc., the main reliance of the democrats for 
success was on the Wilmot proviso. “General T. takes 
the Virginia resolutions and [is] for resisting in every manner 
to the last extremity and insists that this is the best if not the 
only mode of preserving the Union. I do not like his position, 
but it is possible that he may secure Calhoun Whigs enough to 
carry the election in the Western District.” 8 August 12, after 

6 Nashville Union, April 20, 1849, et seq. As candidates for the governorship sev¬ 
eral of the younger political leaders were named in the newspapers, one of the most 
prominent being Gideon J. Pillow, a brother-in-law of Aaron V. Brown. Pillow, how¬ 
ever, soon withdrew his name. Cave Johnson, of Clarksville, and F. P. Stanton and 
L. H. Coe, of the western district, were also mentioned. The last two were inclined 
to the extreme southern point of view. 

7 Nashville Union,, April 20, 1849. It was soon revealed by the whig papers that 
more strenuous measures had been recommended in a resolution which had been pre¬ 
pared by Coe of Memphis, which had been withdrawn before it was formally pre¬ 
sented. The Union explained that these resolutions had not suggested secession, and 
that only cessation of commercial intercourse with the North had been proposed. 
JUd., May 2, 1849. 

s Johnson-Buchanan letters, June 17, 1849. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


317 


the election, Johnson again wrote to Buchanan, attributing the 
success of the democrats to the superior aggressiveness of 
Trousdale, to resentment at the whig appointments, to the dis¬ 
affection of part of the whigs under the influence of E. H. Fos¬ 
ter, who was jealous of Senator Bell, and to the agitation of the 
emancipation question in Kentucky, and the position of the ad¬ 
ministration on the Wilmot proviso. ‘ ‘ Cass ’s doctrine,’ 9 he con¬ 
tinued, “of the non-interference by Congress with slavery is the 
universal doctrine here, hut I have found none unwilling to sub¬ 
scribe to yours — the Missouri Compromise.” 9 

With the close of the summer elections, there was a noticeable 
quiescence in the agitation of national politics in the Tennessee 
papers, and matters of internal improvement and other state 
affairs took a more prominent place. But soon the assembling 
of the legislature reawoke interest in politics, and the message 
of the retiring governor, Neil S. Brown, and that of the incoming 
governor, William Trousdale, again emphasized the different 
points of view of the two parties. About the same time ap¬ 
peared notices of Mississippi’s call for a southern convention to 
be held at Nashville. The comment of the Whig , now called the 
True Whig , as to this, was “we trust the Southern states will 
be fully represented as well for embodying in definite form the 
real sentiment of the South as for adopting such measures as 
may be best calculated to bring about unity and concert of ac¬ 
tion, and in defense of her rights and interests upon this vitally 
interesting and exciting question.” 10 A yet more prominent 
whig organ, the Republican Banner and Nashville Whig , while 
it expressed the hope that the convention might prove to be 
unnecessary, nevertheless also promised it a welcome to Nash¬ 
ville. 11 October 14, Cave Johnson wrote at length to Buchanan, 
telling of a visit to Nashville where he had called upon Mrs. Polk, 
whose mansion was still draped in mourning, and where he had 
found the assembly in session. He reported that the party or¬ 
ganization was torn by sectionalism and personal feuds, the 
chief of which was that between the democratic senator, Hopkins 
L. Turney, and A. 0. P. Nicholson, the principal supporter of 
the interests of General Cass. The legislature was “tied,” and 

9 Johnson-Buchanan letters, August 12, 1849. 

1 0 Nashville True Whig, October 16, 1849. 

11 Republican Banner and Nashville Whig, October 15, 1849. 


318 


St. George L. Sioussat 


M. V. H. R. 


“the Whig party in more confusion than we are.” 12 It hap¬ 
pened that the democrats, while successful as to the lower house, 
had failed to elect a majority of the state senate. Consequently, 
when late in the session, joint resolutions upon the state of the 
union were adopted these, as might be expected of measures 
which had passed the whig senate and democratic house, were 
double-barrelled in character. They upheld the sacredness of 
the constitution and prayed for the perpetuity of the union. The 
patriotic people of the state of Tennessee, it was declared, would 
stand by and defend the union “at all hazards and to the last 
extremity;” and the only method by which the union could be 
preserved in its original purity so as to secure to the several 
states their constitutional rights was “by resisting, at all haz¬ 
ards and to the last extremity, any and all attempts to violate 
the spirit of its provisions.” 13 But a resolution which failed to 
pass was one introduced in the house, by which the governor 
was requested to appoint delegates to a southern convention. 
In the senate, however, the whig committee on resolutions re¬ 
ported that it was no part of their duty to aid in organizing a 
southern convention or any other convention. If such a meet¬ 
ing were desired by the people, it belonged to them in their pri¬ 
mary assemblies to call it, and not to the general assembly or to 
the executive. A democratic effort to pass a resolution re¬ 
questing the people of the state to adopt this course was de¬ 
feated by a vote of eleven to nine. 14 It was doubtless this activ¬ 
ity of the democratic house which extracted from Cave Johnson 
the letter to Buchanan of which the following is a part: 

“I begin to fear that there is a settled determination with 

12 Johnson-Buchanan letters, October 14, 1849. “The Cass movement in this state 
at the last election was made to head off Pres. P. They feared, notwithstanding his 
positive declaration, that he might be taken up a second time in Baltimore and there¬ 
fore sent a majority which was secretly dissatisfied with the dispensation of the 
patronage here. This was felt as unkind by him and by his leading confidential 
friends in this state, and Mr. N. is on that account not acceptable to them, and they 
will wish me to be the new Senator. I will not get into the fight, and may be 
enabled therefore to settle it, but I do not see how. ’ ’ Nicholson had been a candidate 
in 1845 for election as senator. He charged that Turney had secured the election by 
a deal with the whigs. As to the controversy that ensued, see Polk, Diary, 1: 112-114. 

13 “Joint resolution, no. 13 / 1 in Acts and resolutions of the Tennessee general as¬ 
sembly , 1849-1850. Passed February 11, 1850. 

1 * Senate journal, 1849-1850, pp. 758-767. 


Yol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


319 


the extreme men of both the great political parties to dissolve 
the Union and it will require much prudence and wisdom among 
the moderate men [to] resist successfully their nefarious pro¬ 
jects. I have been shocked of late to hear cool calculation en¬ 
tered into to show the great advantages which the South and 
South West would obtain by the establishment of a Southern 
Confederacy and securing free trade with England. Cities 
would spring up as if by magic in the Gulf, railroads and the 
great Mississippi could give us the control of the interior whilst 
free trade would secure us the trade of all nations. The wealth 
of the East would be poured into our laps over the Isthmus. We 
should soon surpass in splendor and wealth the fabulous ac¬ 
counts of the East whilst the North would be ruined by the de¬ 
struction of the manufactures and commerce and be left to enjoy 
their bleak and barren hills and to repent at leisure their injus¬ 
tice to the South. I loose all patience and self control when I 
hear such things and be not surprised if you should hear even me 
with my fifty or sixty negroes denounced for favoring the aboli¬ 
tionists because I will not yield to the mad projects of disunion 
that are now so freely talked of. No man feels more abhorrence 
at the conduct and course of the abolitionists than I do. I will 
resist quarrel and fight them if necessary but I shall not dis¬ 
solve the Union or sit with any party that shall attempt it di¬ 
rectly or indirectly [?]. I do not censure less the conduct of 
the extreme Southern men than that of the abolitionists and 
shall be ready to meet their nefarious projects as those of the 
former. The proposed convention at Nashville alarms me and 
the mode proposed of electing delegates. They are to be select¬ 
ed by the Governor or the present legislators passing over the 
people for a very obvious reason. It would not suit their pur¬ 
poses to have these questions publicly discussed. High places are 
now filled by trick contrivances with men who would have been 
repudiated by the people if their designs had been understood 
and who will be scorned and rejected so soon as they are under¬ 
stood. I have been disgusted by the conduct of a few Southern 
Democrats in the defeat of Forney evidently designed to widen 
the breach if practicable between Northern and Southern Demo¬ 
crats. The greatest act of folly committed by the Democratic 
party for many years was in permitting Mr. C. to come back to 


320 


St. George L. Sioussat 


m. v. H. E. 


it. We should have kept him at arms length and treated him as 
a nullifier. From the moment he learned that Gen. J was in 
favor of Van Buren he has been making issues at which he is a 
great adept between the North and the South for the purpose 
of destroying Van Buren in the one or the other section and I 
suppose will never be content until he either rules or ruins. I 
think that he has now more power than that at any former pe¬ 
riod. I mean with the politicians because I think he has but lit¬ 
tle with the masses. You have no doubt noticed its progress in 
the Senate and House as well as the means by which it has been 
acquired. Unluckily since the death of Jackson and Polk we 
have none in the South with influence and courage enough to 
oppose it. Our legislature it is understood will sanction the 
convention and support or authorize the appointment by the 
Gov of delegates and pass strong resolutions not less strong than 
of Va.” 15 

The story of the expansion of the movement for the defense 
of southern rights from the congressional meetings in Washing¬ 
ton to the project of a convention of the southern states has been 
made clear in more than one scholarly treatment, and it is here 
necessary only to give the briefest outline of this evolution. 16 
The connection of Calhoun with the movement in Mississippi is 
well established, though Foote of Mississippi professed that in 
the beginning he was ignorant of the correspondence which Cal¬ 
houn was carrying on with men in Mississippi. 17 But the prac¬ 
tical beginnings came from Mississippi, and in the course of the 
convention’s session the honor of originating it was claimed by 
that state. 18 A convention held May 7 in Jackson, thinking itself 

is Johnson-Buchanan letters, January 20, 1850. 

is Besides the more or less unsatisfactory accounts in the general histories of Von 
Holst, Schouler, McMaster, Ehodes, and Garrison, and such older works as, e.g., J. P. 
Hodgson, The cradle of the confederacy . . . (Mobile, 1876), the student of tnis 
period may consult the altogether excellent monograph of Cleo Hearon, 1 ‘ Mississippi 
and the compromise of 1850/’ Mississippi Historical Society, Publications, 14: eh. 6, 
and the Justin Winsor prize essay by A. C. Cole, The whig party in the South (Wash¬ 
ington, 1913), ch. 5, 6. A remarkable deficiency in the latter work, however, is the 
omission of any adequate discussion of the course of John Bell in the session of 1849- 
1850. 

17 D. T. Herndon, “The Nashville convention of 1850/’ in Alabama Historical 
Society, Transactions, 1904, v. 5: 204-209. 

is Nashville Daily American, June 13, 1850, remarks of Governor Matthews of 
Mississippi. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


321 


to represent but a small part of the state, advised the assembling 
of another convention in October. After very great activity on 
the part of the politicians this convention met, passed resolu¬ 
tions upon the territorial questions, and included therein a call 
for a convention of the southern states. While democrats and 
whigs in Mississippi united in the movement, the democrats had 
taken the responsibility and the leadership, and the success of 
the democratic party in the elections in Mississippi was held to 
demonstrate the approval of the people of Mississippi and was 
a matter of encouragement to the southern partisans in other 
states. The action of Mississippi was followed in some sort by 
most of the southern states. There was, however, great diver¬ 
sity in the method of choosing delegates, and there was great 
difference in the spirit with which the elections were carried out. 
In some states the wish to refer the matter to the people led to 
the representation of only certain districts. 19 

With the opening of the year 1850, as news was received of 
action with regard to the proposed convention on the part of one 
or another of the southern states, the editor of the Union of 
Nashville, as well as those of other democratic papers in the 
state, had begun to agitate more actively the participation of 
Tennessee in the movement. In one of the earliest of the editori¬ 
als on this subject, which appeared January 9, the Union , not¬ 
ing the introduction into the Tennessee legislature of a resolu¬ 
tion looking to the appointment of delegates, and adverting to 
the action of Georgia, had maintained that the convention was 
not a party movement; but, as we have seen from the course of 
the matter in the legislature, this nonpartisan attitude was not 
to be preserved. 20 The whig newspapers, with the exception, 
first, of the Enquirer of Memphis and later of the Trenton Ban¬ 
ner , were soon unanimous in opposition to the meeting of the 
convention in Nashville. The Republican Banner and Nashville 
Whig from January on continued to rebuke the plotters of dis- 

19 Herndon, “The Nashville convention of 1850,” in Alabama Historical Society, 
Transactions, 1904, v. 5: 212-216. For the selection of Nashville as the meeting 
place I have found no definite explanation afforded by contemporary evidence. Suf¬ 
ficient reasons doubtless were (1) the influence of the great party gatherings in 
Nashville in 1840 and 1844; (2) the importance of Tennessee as a border-state; and 
(3) the convenient geographical situation of Nashville. 

20 Nashville Union , January 9, 1850. 


322 


M. V. H. E. 


St. George L. Sioussat 

union. 21 The Republican Banner and Nashville Whig was the 
organ of John Bell, upon whom again the editor of the Union 
launched strenuous criticism for his antisouthern course. A 
selfish politician, he had gained all that he could from Tennessee, 
and now in his whole senatorial course he looked to the North for 
countenance and support. 22 The Union did not fail to point out 
the more sympathetic attitude of the Banner in the preceding 
October, when that paper had welcomed the meeting of the con¬ 
vention. The change in view was ascribed to the appointment of 
the former governor, Neil S. Brown, as minister to Russia, by 
which step the administration had purchased the support of the 
Tennessee whigs. 23 The Banner retorted that it was now obvi¬ 
ously the purpose of the convention to foment disunion and se¬ 
cession, which purpose had not then been made manifest. Noth¬ 
ing was then heard, said the Banner , of a southern republic with 
a capital at Asheville. 24 The Union ridiculed the idea of a south¬ 
ern republic, 25 denied any purpose of secession as attaching to 
the convention, and claimed that every democratic newspaper in 
the state was for the convention, and that so good a whig paper 
as the Memphis Enquirer candidly acknowledged the desirability 
of it. 26 Memphis was whiling to have the convention if Nashville 
was not. In February the Union argued somewhat as follows: 
Whatever measures of compromise might be adopted would not 
be passed before the end of the session. The convention meeting 
in June would voice a southern protest against northern aggres¬ 
sion. As to the expected aggressive laws, their unconstitutional- 
ity might possibly be made more manifest, and the hand of op¬ 
pression be stayed by the demonstration. If such laws were 
passed, the meeting of the convention might lead to a repeal. 
The measures to which the Union referred were declared to be, 
first, the proposal to deprive the South of the advantage of the 
“federal ratio’’ of five Negroes counting as three white men; 
secondly, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the 
navy yards, and other possessions of the United States; third, 

21 Republican Banner and Nashville Whig, January 28, 1850, et seq. 

22 Nashville Union , March 13, 1850. 

23 Ibid., February 16, 1850. 

24 Republican Banner and Nashville Whig, February 19, 1850. 

25 Nashville Union, February 20-24, 1850. 

26 Ibid., March 11, 1850. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


323 


interference with the interstate transportation of slaves; and, 
fourth, the Wilmot proviso. 27 The real fear of the whigs, said 
the democratic editor, concerned not a dissolution of the union, 
but the dissolution of the whig party by a successful settlement 
of the slavery question, upon the continued agitation of which 
the whig organization must depend for its very existence. Whig 
opposition to the convention was only a scheme to prevent a 
settlement. 28 

On April 13, as a part of its agitation to the end that Tennes¬ 
see should be represented in the convention, the Union issued a 
call for a meeting to be held the first Monday in May to elect 
delegates from Davidson county, in which Nashville is situated. 
This call appealed to voters irrespective of party, but was lim¬ 
ited to 4 4 friends of the convention.” Among the signatures at¬ 
tached to the notice was that of Andrew Jackson’s nephew, A. J. 
Donelson, who had just returned from his service as minister to 
the German government at Frankfort, having been recalled by 
the new whig administration. 29 A couple of days later ex-Gov- 
ernor Aaron V. Brown published in the Union a letter strongly 
pleading for the convention. 30 The gathering on the first Mon¬ 
day in May turned out not to be without its amusing features. 
A. J. Donelson was chosen president, obviously with the purpose 
of off-setting the use of Andrew Jackson’s name in hostility to 
the convention. The 44 friends of the Convention” endeavored 
to railroad through the meeting resolutions looking to the elec¬ 
tion of representatives for Davidson county, but the debate re¬ 
vealed that the whigs were present in large numbers, and, not¬ 
withstanding Donelson’s oratory on behalf of the convention, a 
resolution of an exactly opposite tenor was adopted. This was 
a decided damper to the 44 friends of the convention,” but not 
utterly discouraged these remained in the room when the meet¬ 
ing adjourned and organized again with Donelson in the chair, 
and finally a list of twenty-nine delegates was presented and 

27 Nashville Union, February 27, 1850. 

28 Ibid., February 24, 26, 1850. 

29 Ibid., April 13, 1850. A misunderstanding of this participation of A. J. Donel¬ 
son in the call for the county meeting in May may account for the statement of J. 
Phelan, History of Tennessee (Boston, 1889), 434, to the effect that the southern 
convention was originally called at Donelson’s suggestion. 

80 Nashville Union, April 15, 1850. 


324 


St. George L. Sioussat 


m. v. H. R. 


these were elected to represent Davidson county. 31 These pro¬ 
ceedings were naturally a source of great glee to the whig news¬ 
papers, which of course trumpeted abroad the rejection of the 
convention by the community in whose midst it was to assemble. 
The proper interpretation of the incident is, however, somewhat 
different. The whigs were resolved to make the convention a 
party matter. In the Nashville district they outnumbered the 
democrats, and they were able to limit the report of the conven¬ 
tion to the minority party and thus to stop any claim of the 
democrats that there was a general popular demand for the con¬ 
vention. 

Even before the Davidson county meeting, to which we have 
referred, and throughout the week that followed, the newspapers 
are full of accounts of similar gatherings in other counties. 
The accounts of these in the whig and democratic papers, re¬ 
spectively, are so partisan that their statements must be taken 
with caution. It seems fair to conclude that, with certain excep¬ 
tions, the lines of party were drawn in about the same way as in 
Nashville, the democrats generally favoring, and the whigs gen¬ 
erally opposing the election of delegates. 

Leaving for the present the action of the local communities 
during the interval before the assembling of the southern con¬ 
vention, let us pass for a moment to the halls of congress, where 
the matter of the proposed convention at Nashville appears to 
have excited rather more interest than most of the historians 
of the period have indicated. It will be well first to consider the 
course of those who were directly responsible for the interests 
of Tennessee and particularly her two senators, John Bell and 
Hopkins L. Turney, the former a whig, the latter a democrat. 

In the first session of the thirty-first congress, when the com¬ 
promise resolutions of Henry Clay had been introduced, and 
while Foote was struggling to effect the appointment of a com¬ 
mittee of thirteen, John Bell, 32 on February 28, 1850, submitted 
a compromise scheme of his own. The principal feature of this 
plan was the focusing of attention upon Texas rather than upon 

; 3i Nashville Union, May 7, 1850; Republican Banner and Nashville Whig, May 7, 
1850. 

3'2 There is no adequate biography of John Bell. A thoughtful sketch is J. W. 
Caldwell, “John Bell of Tennessee,” in American historical review, 4: 652-664. 
Caldwell, however, says nothing of Bell’s activity in 1849-1850, except that he was a 
member of the committee of thirteen. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


325 


California. Recalling the terms of the provisions of the joint 
resolution for the annexation of Texas, which looked to the 
formation of new states out of Texas, he proposed that that part 
of Texas lying south of the thirty-fourth degree of north latitude 
and west of the Trinity river should be separated and admitted 
now to the union as a slave state. Next Texas, in return for five 
or six million dollars, should cede to the United States the terri¬ 
tory claimed by the state west of the Colorado river, extending 
northward to forty-two degrees, together with all unappropriat¬ 
ed domain north of thirty-four degrees. This territory should 
then be divided and the part west of the Colorado and south of 
the thirty-fourth parallel should be admitted, when of sufficient 
population, as a slave state while the remainder, except such 
part as lay east of the Rio Grande and south of thirty-four de¬ 
grees, should be incorporated with the territory of New Mexico, 
to be governed in a “manner suitable to the condition of the peo¬ 
ple of the country/’ but without any resolution as to slavery. 
This plan, he urged, would meet the objections of the extreme 
antislavery people to the expansion of slavery territory, be¬ 
cause really Texas would surrender “2% degrees” of slave ter¬ 
ritory to be thereafter free territory; and it would solve the 
Texas-New Mexico boundary controversy. There should be no 
objection to leaving New Mexico without restriction as to 
slavery; as slavery would never find a lodgment there. The 
region west of New Mexico and east of the proposed state of 
California should likewise continue in a territorial condition 
without restrictions as to slavery; and the president’s plan for 
the admission of California with the constitution adopted by the 
people of that region should be accepted. He included no sug¬ 
gestions as to the fugitive slave bill, the abolition of slavery, and 
the slave trade in the District of Columbia. These questions he 
believed would be adjusted if once the problem of the new ac¬ 
quisitions was solved. 33 

33 Congressional globe, 31 congress, 1 session, 436-439. These resolutions Alex¬ 
ander H. Stephens described as “setting forth in substance what was then considered 
a modified form of the executive policy for a proper adjustment.’ ’ (A constitutional 
view of the late war between the states [Philadelphia, 1870], 2: 205.) Bell’s speech 
and resolutions were reprinted March 12 in the Republican Banner and Nashville 
Whig, which cited the Washington correspondent of the Charleston [S. C.] Courier, 
as saying: “I learn that Mr. Bell’s propositions for a compromise are preferred 


326 


St. George L. Sioussat 


m. v. H. K. 


To Bellas resolutions of February 28 Calhoun, in his speech of 
March 4, appears to have made no reference. But Webster, in 
the famous seventh of March speech, included a considerable 
discussion of Bell’s proposal as to Texas. He believed that this 
further recognition of the stipulation with Texas weakened the 
original compact, and he did not agree that, when a state was to 
be divided, the rule for admission from a territorial position — 
the rule establishing a minimum population of sixty thousand — 
must necessarily be followed. But in his earnest declaration, 
which so grieved the abolitionists, that the resolution for an¬ 
nexation was a binding contract, and that the country was 
pledged to the admission of new slave states if Texas so decided, 
he gave a strong moral support to this idea of Bell’s. 34 This 
fact explains a statement made March 22 by Toombs in a letter 
written from Washington and addressed to Linton Stephens. 
“The settlement will probably be in the main on the basis of 
Bell’s proposition as backed by Webster. We will take that 
with a clause putting the rights of property of American citi¬ 
zens under American laws and I think we have some chance to 
get it. ’ ’ 35 

Foote moved that Bell’s resolutions be referred to his pro¬ 
posed committee. 36 On March 27 Bell’s resolutions were made 
the special order, 37 and for several days following the Globe 
uses the caption, “Mr. Bell’s resolutions.” 38 Webster, object¬ 
ing to the reference to a committee and urging that the senate 
proceed at once to the question of California, coupled Bell’s pro¬ 
posals with those of Douglas, Benton, and Clay. 39 Shields urged 

to those of Mr. Clay by the Southern members. From the best sources, I am in¬ 
formed that Mr. Bell’s project was a subject of consultation and that it is as favor¬ 
able to the South as any measure that is likely to pass. The South would prefer the 
Missouri compromise line to any other project that has been named, but it cannot 
pass. The whole question, it is said, will be settled in a fortnight, or not for three 
months. The Texians will give their hearty assent to Mr. Bell’s plan.” Compare 
with this Cave Johnson to Buchanan, post, note 63. 

34 Congressional globe , 31 congress, 1 session, 479, 480. 

35 XJ. B. Phillips, The correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander E. Stephens, 
and Howell Cobb (American Historical Association, Annual report, 1911, v. 2 —> 
Washington, 1913), 188. 

36 Congressional globe, 31 congress, 1 session, 496, 508. 

37 Ibid., 611. 

38 Ibid., 617, 633, 640, 646, 656, 704, 721. 

3» Ibid., 640. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


327 


that if Texas were to be divided, the initiative must come from 
the people of that state. Benton was unwilling to confuse the 
Texas question with that of California. 40 On April 19 Bell was 
elected one of the committee of thirteen. 41 When the committee 
made its report on May 8 the majority declared against Bell’s 
proposals, maintaining, as Shields had argued, the propriety of 
leaving the division of Texas to the initiative of its inhabitants. 42 

In direct opposition to the course of Bell was that of Turney. 
Of the feud between Turney and Nicholson we have already 
spoken. Turney had definitely identified himself with the south¬ 
ern movement in congress and, together with Stanton, a repre¬ 
sentative from the western district, had signed the southern ad¬ 
dress. Continuing to associate himself with the radicals, he 
appeared in May as chairman of a meeting called to consider the 
establishment in Washington of another newspaper which should 
be especially devoted to the interests of the South. 43 He pro¬ 
fessed devotion to the union, but to the extent of his capacity, 
which was not the greatest, he worked with the extremists. The 
occasion was afforded him to tell where he stood when one of the 
Washington newspapers cited the Nashville Union as opposing 
the proposed convention. He seized this opportunity to assert, 
on the contrary, the confidence of the democrats therein. 44 On 
the other hand John Bell was, as to this matter, very charac¬ 
teristically noncommittal. Emphasizing the excited state of 
opinion in the South, he stated: “At the same time, I must say, 
that in the State of which I am a public servant here, I have 
given no countenance — no encouragement at least — to some of 
the extreme measures proposed in the South. I have not coun¬ 
tenanced the assembling of the Southern Convention among my 
friends in Tennessee. I have, on the other hand, rather encour¬ 
aged the reposing of a liberal confidence in the North for the 
settling, not only of this, but of all other great questions of 
national and domestic policy, upon an equitable and liberal basis, 
as the best mode of repressing any hostile sentiments on the 
part of the North against the institutions of the South, or of the 

40 Congressional globe, 31 congress, 1 session, 657. 

41 Ibid., 780. 

42 Ibid., 944 et seq. 

43 Nashville Union, May 21, 1850. 

44 Congressional globe, 31 congress, 1 session, 417. 


328 


St. George L. Sioussat 


m. v. H. R. 


South against the North, on any ground whatever. If, there¬ 
fore, any good should result from the proposed Southern Con¬ 
vention — and I trust that good may result from it; if it is held 
— I shall not be entitled to any credit for it; and if, on the other 
hand, evil should spring from it, though I may be a sufferer with 
every other citizen of the Union, I shall not be responsible for 
it.” 45 

More serious than this evasion by the leader of the whig party 
was the statement made by Andrew Ewing, the democratic rep¬ 
resentative in congress from the Nashville district, which was 
usually a whig stronghold. 46 Ewing said, in reply to the remarks 
of Webster, Stanly of North Carolina, and others who had 
prophesied that the convention would fare ill at the hands of the 
people of Nashville: “It is due to the truth that I should say, 
that in my opinion a majority of the people of Nashville deem 
the convention unwise and inopportune; but it is equally true 
that they deeply sympathize in the feeling of hazard and alarm 
that has driven their southern brethren to the adoption of this 
ulterior remedy; and under no circumstances would they treat 
with rudeness and indecorum a reputable body of their fellow- 
citizens, who had assembled at our city for the discussion of such 
grave and solemn interests.” 47 The whig papers of course 
seized hold upon this, and the meeting of May, described above, 
seemed to bear out Ewing’s admission that the people of Nash¬ 
ville were opposed to the convention. 

The report of Clay’s committee of thirteen was submitted to 
the senate on May 8, and about a week later began to be dis¬ 
cussed in the Tennessee newspapers. 48 The Union at once took 
up with enthusiasm the plan of the report in opposition to the 
presidential plan, which, it will be remembered, Bell was sup¬ 
posed to support. “It is time,” said the Union , “to take 
sides. We take the side of the Compromise bill.” 49 The Union 
complained that the whig newspapers were silent while waiting 
for instructions from Washington. Very shortly afterwards, 

45 Congressional globe, 31 congress, 1 session, 438. 

40 The explanation of Ewing’s success in a district usually whig is found in the 
large whig connection of his family, part of which he carried with him. 

47 Ibid., ap., 452. 

48 Nashville True Whig and Weekly Commercial Register, May 14, 1850. 

40 Nashville Union, May 24, 1850. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


329 


the whig papers came out for the compromise also. But it is 
very interesting to analyze the different motives which actuated 
the whig and democratic journals. The whig editors made it 
their business to continue to attack the convention and to uphold 
the compromise plan as against the alleged disunion movement. 
The Republican Banner and Nashville Whig , changing somewhat 
its line of argument, now alleged that the 4 ‘.conventionists’ ’ were 
basing their scheme on the idea that if the compromise measures 
were adopted, the democrats might claim the credit of having 
compelled their passage, through the convening of this body. 
The True Whig devoted able editorials to demonstrating that 
there was not any essential difference between the president’s 
ideas and those of Clay’s committee 50 — a point of view hardly 
borne out by the remarks either of Bell or of Clay in the senate. 
Thus each party declared for the compromise plan, and each in¬ 
terpreted it in its partisan sense. 

On May 22 the removal of the remains of President Polk to a 
vault at his home place in Nashville was the occasion for patri¬ 
otic ceremonies and an oration by Bishop Otey. 51 There now 
began a series of meetings throughout the counties in Tennessee 
in favor of the compromise report, and one of these was sched¬ 
uled to meet at Nashville June 1, just two days before the time 

50 ‘ 1 The Desperate Fix of the Conventionists. ’ ’ Republican Banner and Nashville 
Whig, May 25, 1850. “The Administration and the Compromise.’’ Nashville True 
Whig and WeeTcly Commercial Register, May 31, 1850 (v. 2, no. 9), pp. 131-132, 135. 
In the same number under the heading, “Signs of the times,’’ the True Whig pre¬ 
sented some very interesting suggestions. It asserted, first that the southern “ultra- 
ists ’ ’ were fast abandoning the old position of nonintervention and were now demand¬ 
ing of congress a positive guarantee of the constitutional right to introduce slavery in¬ 
to the territories, a procedure which nullified their former arguments, for if it were 
constitutional to legislate slavery into the territories, it would also be constitutional to 
legislate it out: secondly, that the demand of the ultrasouthern senators for the ex¬ 
tension of the line of 36° 30' to which it was known that the North would not accede 
was prompted by a desire for the dissolution of the union as an “ alternative ”: 
thirdly, that there was a noticeable identity in personnel between the southern advo¬ 
cates of the Nashville convention and the promoters of the expedition of General 
Lopez for the conquest of Cuba. This, said the True Whig, was “like casting a fire¬ 
brand into the magazine,’’ and “we have a right to infer that the refusal to admit 
Cuba as an independent Southern state into the Union ... is another ‘alterna¬ 
tive,’ vaguely hinted at by Mr. Calhoun in his letter to Colonel Tarpley to which 
‘disunion’ would be preferred by the extreme Southern factionists.” The Lopez 
expedition, it will be remembered, had just taken place — in the last of May, 1850. 

si Nashville Daily Gazette, May 23, 1850. 


330 


St. George L. Sioussat 


m. v. H. E. 


of assembling of the southern convention. 52 This meeting was 
held as appointed, and was addressed by E. H. Foster, the peer 
of Bell in the estimation of the whigs. Nicholson and Brown 
were called for, but neither appeared, 53 nor was the editor of the 
Union present. 54 

These gentlemen were doubtless busy with the preparation for 
the southern convention. Already for some days the delegates 
had been arriving. 55 A subcommittee of the Tennessee dele¬ 
gates, it was announced, would be constantly in attendance at the 
Union office on Cherry street near the postoffice. Delegates were 
invited to register here or to send their names. 56 

From the several newspapers one may pick up not a few bits 
of detail regarding the meeting of the convention. As early as 
February the Gazette had jocosely remarked that the meeting 
of the convention would be a good thing for the hotel keepers. 
‘ 4 Our landlords will feed and lodge the delegates well, notwith¬ 
standing they may deem them on a fool’s errand, and destined to 
become as odious as the notorious Hartford Convention men.” 57 
The descent upon the little city of Nashville of nearly one hun¬ 
dred and seventy-five delegates, together with many others at¬ 
tracted by curiosity, must indeed have enlivened the town. In 
the evenings the delegates might be afforded amusement by the 
performance of the Swiss bell-ringers, while a Mrs. Fogg, on ac¬ 
count of the thinness of her audience, postponed to a more fa¬ 
vorable evening her “Ballad Entertainment.” 58 It was noticed 
that the proceedings of the southern convention were tele¬ 
graphed in full to many of the western and northern papers. 59 
T. A. Foster, the traveling agent of the Democratic Revieiv, was 
in the city. 60 The Union , before the convention was a day old, 
had added to its list two hundred new subscribers. At the first 

52 Nashville Daily Gazette, May 29, 1850. 

53 Ibid., June 2, 1850. 

64 Nashville Union, June 2, 1850. 

55 Nashville Daily Gazette, May 30, 1850. Among the earliest were some from 
South Carolina, who thus had an opportunity to ascertain the sentiments of Tennessee. 

56 Nashville Union, May 30, 31, 1850. 

57 Nashville Daily Gazette, February 13, 1850. 

68 Nashville Centre-State American, June 8, 1850. 

59 Nashville Daily Gazette, June 13, 1850. 

60 Nashville Union, June 2, 1850. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


331 


session which met in the Odd Fellows’ hall it was discovered 
that that place was too small for the number of delegates. The 
trustees of McKendree church then kindly offered the use of that 
building , 61 and there the subsequent days’ sessions were held. 
At the adjournment of the convention the delegates from South 
Carolina thoughtfully presented to the church a new carpet to 
take the place of the one which had been injured by the coming 
and going of the delegates . 62 

A particularly bright reporter of the scenes of the convention 
was a young woman who, assuming the name Kate Conynham, 
described herself as “a Yankee girl.” Residing with a “colo¬ 
nel” who lived at “Overton Park,” a three hours’ ride from 
Nashville, she experienced a “start of innate horror” at the 
suggestion of her host that they should visit Nashville and the 
convention, for she supposed that like its predecessor at Hart¬ 
ford it would meet behind closed doors. She describes the im¬ 
pression made upon her by the churches at Nashville, and the 
half-finished capitol, and proceeds to give her impression of the 
convention as she beheld it assembled in McKendree church. 
On the floor only ladies were admitted, except of course the mem¬ 
bers: the galleries were packed with “lookers-on and lookers- 
down.” On the floor in the front part of the church the delega¬ 
tion of each state was seated by itself. The front pews on either 
side of the broad aisle, in front of the president, were assigned 
to South Carolina and Mississippi, respectively. On the right 
of Mississippi was Virginia, occupying two pews. On the left 
of Carolina was Florida, and in the rear Alabama, while the 
Georgians sat behind the Mississippians. The Tennessee dele¬ 
gates, among whom was General Pillow in a white military vest, 
and Major W. H. Polk, the late president’s brother, occupied the 
side pews on the left of the pulpit. In front of the pulpit was a 
carpeted platform within the chancel railing, on which were 
placed a dozen little green tables for the editors and reporters. 

In the chair was Judge Sharkey, “a dignified, Andrew Jackson 
looking man.” Speaking when her party entered, was Ham¬ 
mond of South Carolina of a “conservative, pale, intellectual 

01 Nashville Union, June 4, 1850. 

02 Centre-State American, June 15, 1850. 


332 


St. George L. Sioussat 


M. V. H. B. 


aspect, with a high forehead, white and polished as marble. ” 
The South Carolina delegation was the most talented with the 
exception, possibly, of that of Mississippi. After a brief de¬ 
scription of Rhett and Barnwell, she speaks of Cheves as “a 
hale, white-headed old gentleman, with a fine port-wine tint to 
his florid cheek.” The most eloquent was Pickens who had a 
“face like one of the old Roman emperors which I have seen on 
a coin, Neva [sic], I think,” and whose oratory was “worthy of 
the Forum.” This young lady of the North was impressed with 
the conservatism of the South Carolina delegation. The most ul¬ 
tra were the Virginians. Among them was Beverly Tucker, the 
half-brother of John Randolph, entering upon his dotage, and 
sometimes forgetful that ladies were present. The most able and 
patriotic was Gordon. Among the others who impressed this 
visitor were McRea of Mississippi, a young man who was a “man 
of work by display of talents for debate . 9 9 The oratory of Col¬ 
quitt of Georgia was of the athletic kind. Among the Tennes¬ 
seans William H. Polk was “bearded like an Ottoman chief.” 
But chief in fascination for Miss Conynham was General Pillow' 
who lived “in elegant and opulent retirement, not far south of 
Nashville,” and would probably he the next governor. She 
deprecated the foolish stories about him in the newspapers. 

Despite her prejudices, this young lady was deeply impressed 
with the dignity and solemnity of the gathering. At first the 
citizens were opposed to the convention, she reports, but day by 
day as its sessions advanced it grew in favor. The galleries, 
the people sovereign, thundered applause and the ladies smiled 
approbation. This applause was impartial, for with fickleness 
the galleries applauded both suggestions of nonintercourse with 
the North and sentiments of devotion to the defense of the union. 
The convention had contributed much to the social life of Nash¬ 
ville, and brilliant dinner parties were the order of the day. 
A “Whig jurist” opposed to the convention politically, never¬ 
theless was entertaining the delegates. 

The suggestions of a second session were regarded by mod¬ 
erate men as an imprudent challenge and one perilous to be taken 
up. What the result and influence of the action of the conven¬ 
tion might be “is not,” said Miss Conynham, “for a female pen 
to say, but I believe firmly that it will have a tendency to con- 


Yol. II, No. £ 


The Nashville Convention 


333 


solidate the Union.” In conclusion she urged that the conven¬ 
tion should command the respect of the North . 63 

es 11 More needles from my needle book, ’ ’ by Miss Kate Conynham, written for 
the Model American Courier, “ Needle Number 17, ” reprinted in the Nashville 
Union, July 24, 1850, at the request of “a lady. M 

Another interested visitor to the convention was Cave Johnson, who, in a long 
letter to Buchanan, has recorded his impressions of the gathering. This additional 
independent account is highly valuable in corroboration of the other sources for the 
history of the convention. The main body of the letter follows: 

“I have seen the elephant and suppose that you will be somewhat interested in 
the little I learned. I declined being a member of the convention as you were in¬ 
formed in my last. I apprehend great danger to the Democracy of Tennessee, and 
to give a counter direction to public opinion here from what I supposed would be the 
action of the convention procured a public meeting in our town over which I pre¬ 
sided and made a speech in favor of the Compromise bill reported from the Comm of 
13. Many others followed, Whigs and Democrats. It resulted in a unanimous vote 
in favor of them. Meetings have been since held in many other counties with like 
unanimity and it seems probable that the State will follow with great unanimity. 
This was ten days before the convention met. I was prevailed upon by some of our 
friends to go to the convention to meet the Tennessee delegates to consult for our¬ 
selves what was best to be done. I spent two days. The convention you will see 
is composed of men from the other states who had been old nullifiers and of young 
men who had been most devoted to the chief of that sect. I found there Gen. Gordon 
and Goode, and W. Newton from Virginia, and*Beverly Tucker, the author of the 
Partisan Leader, Pickens and Rhett, Hammond and Cheves from So C., the latter 
very old and said to be intemperate and of course useless except his name, Colquitt 
and McDonald from Ga., Fitzpatrick, Chapman and Campbell from Ala., Sharkey, 
and Clayton and Gov Matthews from Miss., Pearson of Fla., Roane of Arkansas, and 
Gen. Henderson from Texas. These seemed the most prominent. From a good deal 
of conversation with some of them I concluded they were less restive and factious 
than I supposed. They expect to make 36.30 their ultimatum. Our Tennessee men 
were apprehensive that the real design of some of them was to defeat the bill now 
pending by opposing to it the Missouri Compromise which they believed in its turn 
would be defeated and the question left for agitation. This seemed likely to be the 
point of difference between Tenn and the other states when I left there. A. V. 
Brown and Nicholson were appointed on the part of Tennessee on the Comm to pre¬ 
pare resolutions. Brown will struggle for retaining the Compromise bill with a 
change of the boundaries to 36° 30' and produce union. Nicholson whose opinion I 
had not had an opportunity to ascertain precisely I think will go for the Compromise 
lest any new measure should take a feather out of the cap of Cass and defeat its 
settlement. The Tennesseans would all have preferred 36° 30', but for the reason 
assigned. Rumors were afloat that you had agreed with 15 Southern Senators to 
bring force enough from the North to carry 36° 30' and that you had published a 
letter wh was most anxiously expected [by] every mail. I could not trace the origin 
of the report but expressed the opinion that you wd not publish any letter or say 
and do anything that could be construed into an effort to defeat the aforesaid bill 
but your opinion had been long known in favor of 36-30, had made a speech, etc. 
From the little I could learn the class of politicians there from the South would 
under no circumstances take Gen C — and it was difficult to learn whose claim they 


334 


St. George L. Sioussat 


M. Y. H. R. 


The formal proceedings of the convention, which was in ses¬ 
sion from June 3 to June 12, inclusive, are to be found in the 
official publication issued by authority of the convention itself, 
and in the very full accounts which appeared in some of the 
Nashville newspapers. 64 At the first session, held on Monday 

wd most favor. Gov McDonald spoke freely in your behalf Many others favorably 
without expressing a preference. It is understood here that Bell would probably 
favor if not defend the course of Gen T—. Strong apprehensions are expressed 
that he would go for 36-30 as a means of defeating the bill, hence a great anxiety 
was felt to give him no excuse for voting agt Clay’s bill. I think the Tennesseans 
will withdraw or enter a protest agt the policy proposed by the Southern States and 
stake themselves on the Compromise, which is exceedingly popular with both parties 
here. [I] cd not remain longer. Most of the ultra Southern men here are uncon¬ 
querably prejudiced agt Cass. I think are disposed to favor Woodbury. I thought 
if they had favored you they wd have talked more freely with me. There were many 
speculations as to the effect of the compromise if passed. Some said that the next 
presidential [ ?] wd be between Cass and Clay. If not passed the North would take up 
Taylor and that Clay wd be run by the Compromisers. If 36-30 shd be insisted that 
you wd probably be the nominee agt Taylor. Taylor has no friends here now. I 
suppose we shall have the resolutions in a day or two when the debate will commence 
but I think there is no fighting ground between the Compromise Bill and 36-30. I 
could not adhere to my resolutions of having nothing to do with politics when such 
questions were before the people. Tho my sign board is up as a lawyer I am more 
generally regarded as a politician. My movements now are I find attributed by the 
Whigs to a desire to supercede Turney and they promise help if the Democrats suc¬ 
ceed in the next election while the friends of Gen Harris are alarmed lest I should 
seek his place. Both alike mistakes but one thing is certain, I receive more political 
visits than professional calls as yet.” Johnson-Buchanan letters, June 6. “Have 
you seen the elephant ? ’ ’ was a popular slang phrase of the day. 

64 The southern convention in Nashville has been made the subject of two special 
articles, as follows: (1) Herndon, “The Nashville convention of 1850,” in Trans¬ 
actions of the Alabama Historical Society for 1904, pp. 203-237. Herndon’s account 
of the first session, however, is based almost exclusively on the reports in the Repub¬ 
lican Banner and Nashville Whig of Nashville, and that of the second session upon 
the material in the Nashville American. (2) F. Newberry, “The Nashville conven¬ 
tion and southern sentiment of 1850,” in the South Atlantic quarterly , 11: no. 3 
(July, 1912). The latter author appears to be unaware of the former’s work. The 
article has merit, but is less satisfactory than that of Herndon. 

The principal original source for the convention is the official journal published for 
each session. The titles are as follows: For the first session, Resolutions and ad¬ 
dress, adopted by the southern convention, held at Nashville, Tennessee, June 3d to 
12th, inclusive, in the year 1850; published by order of the convention (Nashville, 
Tenn.: Harvey M. Watterson, Printer, 1850). As cited in a bibliographical note by 
Miss A. R. Hasse (“The southern convention of 1850,” in Bulletin of the New York 
Public Library, 14: no. 4 [April, 1910], p. 239), the title varies slightly, including 
after “address” the words “and journal of proceedings of the southern convention,” 
in lieu of those given above and omitting * ‘ and ’ ’ after the first word. A copy in the 
Harvard University library, cited in H. V. Ames, State documents on federal relations 
(Philadelphia, 1906)., appears to agree in title with that cited by Miss Hasse. The copy 




Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


335 


afternoon, June 3, the convention was called to order by Aaron 
V. Brown of Tennessee. Judge W. L. Sharkey of Mississippi 
was chosen permanent president, and Governor McDonald of 

used by the writer, belonging to Mr. L. R. Campbell, lacks pages 49-64, inclusive. 
For the second session, Journal of proceedings of the southern convention, at its ad¬ 
journed session, held at Nashville, Tenn., Nov. 11, 1850, and subsequent days (Nash¬ 
ville, Tenn.: Eastman & Boyers, Printers, American Office, 1850). 

Miss Hasse gives a valuable note as to the printing of the proceedings and speeches 
in various eastern newspapers. To this may be added the following note upon the 
newspapers of Nashville: 

The democratic newspapers were (1) the Daily Union, E. G. Eastman, editor. For 
some time prior to September, 1849, the publisher was J. G. Shepherd, but in that 
month he disposed of his interests to Harvey M. Watterson, a former representative 
in congress. Eastman continued as editor until July, 1850, when he was dismissed 
by Watterson who then assumed the editorship himself. This action, as is made clear 
in the text of this paper, was due to a divergence in the political opinions of Watter¬ 
son and Eastman. The Union considered itself the organ of the democratic party in 
Tennessee. It will be noted that Eastman was one of the secretaries of the Nash¬ 
ville convention. As one would expect then, the accounts of the convention in the 
Union are very full. This is especially important for the speeches. 

(2) The Daily Centre-State American prior to October, 1849, was owned in part¬ 
nership by Thompson and Hutton. At that time Thompson disposed of his interests 
to Hutton, and Thomas Boyers, of the Gallatin Tenth Legion, became editor. In 
August, 1850, Hutton retired, and Eastman, who had left the employ of the Union, 
bought an interest in the American. Henceforth their names appear as E. G. East¬ 
man, Thomas Boyers, editors and publishers. The accounts of the first session in the 
American are thinner than those in the Union. But as to the second session the re¬ 
verse is true. In this one sees the influence of Eastman. Shortly after the com¬ 
mencement of Eastman’s connection with the American, the words “Centre-State” 
were dropped and “Nashville” substituted. 

The whig papers were (1) the Republican Banner and Nashville Whig. W. F. 
Bang and company, proprietors; William Wales, editor. In the early part of 
1849 the Nashville Whig was edited by A. A. Hall and published by B. R. 
McKennie. Hall accepted appointment from President Taylor and transferred 
the subscription and good will of the Whig to the Republican Banner, which then as¬ 
sumed the title given above. This newspaper was devoted to the interests of John 
Bell, and undertook to represent the whig party as the Union did the democratic. 
The accounts of the proceedings and the debates of the convention were full, at 
least for the first session, though the editor was bitterly in opposition. 

(2) On the action of Hall, to which reference is made above, McKennie associ¬ 
ated with himself A. M. Rosborough, formerly editor of the Columbia Observer , and 
E. P. McGinty, who had conducted the Clarksville Chronicle. Under their editor¬ 
ship, with McKennie as publisher, was instituted the Nashville True Whig. Besides 
the regular daily form a weekly edition was published under the title Nashville True 
Whig and Weekly Commercial Register. This paper also gives a full account of the 
proceedings and debates of the convention, and like the Republican Banner and 
Nashville Whig was hostile to the convention. 

(3) The Daily Gazette, city of Nashville, Wm. Hy. Smith, editor, A. Nelson and 
company, publishers, a smaller and cheaper paper, in July, 1850, was transferred, the 


336 


M. V. H. R. 


St. George L. Sioussat 

Georgia, vice-president. E. G. Eastman, editor of the Nashville 
Union, and W. F. Cooper were appointed secretaries. After 
some very warm speeches, among which that of Pickens of South 
Carolina attracted special notice, the convention decided to vote 
by delegations, and that each state should have one vote. On 
the second day, upon motion of Governor Brown, it was resolved 
to raise a committee of two members from each state to which 
should be referred all propositions submitted for the considera¬ 
tion of the convention. Of this committee each delegation was 
to choose two members — except in the case of Texas which had 
only one delegate. For Tennessee the two members chosen were 
Brown and Nicholson. The convention then proceeded to hear 
the several resolutions introduced by its members, which turned 
out to be a lengthy proceeding, extending over several sessions. 
These resolutions were referred without debate to the commit' 
tee. The first to be presented were those of Judge Campbell of 
Alabama; others were presented by Erwin of Alabama, Dawson 
of Georgia, McRea of Mississippi, Benning of Georgia, Tucker 
of Virginia, Pearson of Florida, McClelland of Florida, Polk of 
Tennessee, Coleman and Buford of Alabama, Wilkinson of Mis¬ 
sissippi, Henderson of Texas, Goode of Virginia, and Fouche of 
Georgia, Some of the resolutions were in long series, some were 
limited to a single proposal. Some were conservative, but the 
larger part were aggressive in tone. 

By Saturday, the eighth, the committee of resolutions, of which 
Gordon of Virginia had been made chairman, was ready to re¬ 
port, and submitted to the convention a long series of resolu¬ 
tions and an address. The resolutions are seen, upon compari¬ 
son, to he based upon the first resolutions submitted, those of 

business department to J. L. Haynes and company, and the editorship to John L. 
Marling. This newspaper did not attempt to give full reports of the meetings of the 
convention, but contented itself with summaries. These, however, are often helpful 
as contemporary interpretations of the actions of the convention. 

In Ames, State documents on federal relations (pp. 263-269), will be found re¬ 
printed all the June resolutions with the exception of those relating to Texas. M. W. 
Cluskey, The political text-hooTc or encyclopedia (Washington, 1857) gives the first 
thirteen of the June resolutions, but not the address (pp. 532-533) ; the November 
resolutions (pp. 533-535); and the Tennessee resolutions (pp. 535-536). Herndon’s 
article (see above) is particularly well documented, including lists of the delegates 
(taken, however, from the newspapers and not from the official journals), the resolu¬ 
tions of the first session, in part, and extensive excerpts from the address, and the 
resolutions of the second session. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


337 


Judge Campbell. The address was later declared to be the work 
of Robert Barnwell Rhett, who, however, had been conspicuously 
silent during the convention. Both resolutions and address were 
read by Campbell, and then, together with the minority report 
signed by Nicholson and Brown of the Tennessee delegation, 
William M. Murphy of Alabama, Arthur J. Forman of Florida, 
and Sam. C. Roane of Arkansas, were ordered to be printed. To 
the committee were referred other resolutions recently intro¬ 
duced. 

Monday, June 10, Pillow presented some amendments to the 
address, but by a parliamentary tour de force , the resolutions 
were first forced to a vote. They were adopted. Later, on the 
vote by states, the address — amended meanwhile as proposed by 
Pillow — was unanimously adopted: but upon a call of the roll of 
individual delegates several of the Alabama group, with Ghol- 
son of Virginia, recorded their names as against the adoption of 
the address. Sharkey did likewise, but later, upon the solicita¬ 
tion of friends, withdrew his vote, though he did not change it to 
the affirmative. 

After resolutions in regard to the interests of Texas had been 
adopted, Mr. Dawson, a young delegate from Georgia, pressing 
resolutions as to the establishment of a southern party and of a 
southern press at Washington city, insinuated that the conven¬ 
tion might be charged with political purposes. “It had been 
suspected and whispered that a little infant president was quick¬ 
ening in some portions of the Address that had been adopted. 
He called on the convention to disavow it.” The resolutions 
were, however, laid upon the table. After passing various res¬ 
olutions of thanks, and after brief valedictories from the presi¬ 
dent and the vice-president, the convention adjourned sine die. 65 

While sentiment in Tennessee was well-nigh universal in favor 
of the compromise, the assembling of the convention made a 
deep impression. Of course the most outspoken approval of 
the convention was that of the Union . The work of the conven¬ 
tion, as that paper summed it up, had prepared the way for the 

65 In the course of the vigorous debate which marked the last two days of the con¬ 
vention there were made several speeches interesting and important for the historical 
student. Among these were Colquitt and Tucker on the extreme side, those of 
Hunter and Wilkinson, of conciliatory tone, and, especially, the running debate be¬ 
tween Sharkey and Hammond. 


338 


M. V. H. E. 


St. George L. Sioussat 

removal of difficulties and for the development of a sentiment of 
unity. The effect on the community, said the editor, has been 
noticeable. Now there was heard none of the fierce denunciation 
that had marked the early period before the convention met. 68 
The Centre-State American , with enthusiasm, said that the phan¬ 
tom of treason had not once intruded on its deliberations. 67 

With even greater interest one turns to the opinion of the whig 
newspapers. The Gazette admired “the propriety, dignity, for¬ 
bearance and moderation” which characterized the deliberations 
of the convention. “It were well for the northern representa¬ 
tives in Congress to take warning.” 68 “It is but just to re¬ 
mark,” said the True Whig and Weekly Commercial Register , 
“that the Convention embodied a large amount of talent and 
intelligence; its deliberations were orderly and decorous; its dis¬ 
cussions were conducted with ability and courtesy, and the dele¬ 
gates separated with as much harmony and good feeling as usual¬ 
ly characterizes bodies of similar organization.” 69 But while 
thus paying respect to the sobriety of the convention and refus¬ 
ing to underrate it, both this journal and the equally influential 
Republican Banner and Nashville Whig denounced the doctrines 
which the convention had adopted as its own in the address. 
The charge of “Nullification” for some time filled the columns 
of the True Whig. 70 

The whigs criticised with especial bitterness the course of the 
Tennessee delegation. The members from Tennessee had in¬ 
deed softened the address, but why had they not voted against it 
as the open dissentients had done? 71 To the writer the explana¬ 
tion seems clear. In insisting upon the line of thirty-six de¬ 
grees and thirty minutes and denouncing the plan of the senate 
committee, the convention was but following the leadership of 
the ultrasouthern group in Washington from which it had taken 
its real beginning. The Tennessee leaders, while thoroughly 
conscious that public opinion in their state was very different 

66 Nashville Union, June 14, 1850. 

67 Centre-State American, June 15, 1850. 

68 Nashville Daily Gazette, June 14, 1850. 

69 Nashville True Whig and WeeTdy Commercial Register, June 14, 1850. 

Ibid., June 21, 28, July 5, 1850. 

Nashville Daily Gazette, June 14, 1850. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


339 


from that in South Carolina and the lower South, nevertheless 
were very much affected by the southern influence in the conven¬ 
tion. In a speech delivered in the house of representatives 
August 9, 1850, 72 C. H. Williams, one of the whig members from 
Tennessee, gave the following interesting explanation of what 
had happened: 

“This celebrated Nashville convention in the fullness of time 
met. The representatives of Tennessee, as I am credibly in¬ 
formed, having seen a letter from a member of the convention, 
were in favor unanimously of the Compromise bill of the Senate. 
Yet, before they adjourned, they were unanimously for the 
Missouri Compromise line. How was this radical change and 
sudden revolution effected? Let plain facts attest. Some of 
the representatives from Tennessee were telegraphed by mem¬ 
bers in this Hall, and were informed that if the convention would 
agree upon the Senate compromise bill then before the Senate, 
that there was every prospect that it would be passed by the 
Senate of the United States. The same representatives‘in the 
convention were informed that .if the convention agreed upon the 
Missouri compromise line, it could not and would not pass the 
Congress of the United States. With a full knowledge that its 
passage was hopeless, the Nashville convention, with great una¬ 
nimity, agreed upon that line of adjustment, regardless of the 
fact that the democratic party, no longer ago than last Congress, 
repudiated and denounced that line of adjustment as unconstitu¬ 
tional and unjust. Why this political sumerset [sic] ? The Hon. 
Robert B. Rhett tells you in his Charleston speech. He says 
that in five days the Tennessee delegation wheeled into line. 
What line? The disunion line. How? By rejecting the Senate 
compromise bill and agreeing to the Missouri compromise line 
that they knew to be impracticable.” 

Rhett’s speech, to which Williams made reference, had been 
delivered in Charleston very shortly after his return from Nash¬ 
ville, and had been as much more radical than the address as 
that was more radical than the resolutions. Of the convention 
Rhett had said: “Its effect was in nothing more remarkable 

72 Congressional globe, 31 congress, 1 session, ap., 1052. This passage is cited by 
Hermann E. von Holst, Constitutional and political history of the United States (Chi¬ 
cago, 1879-1892), 3: 353, n. 2. 


340 


M. Y. H. R. 


St. George L. Sioussat 

than in the change of opinion and feeling it apparently produced 
on the people of Nashville and the Tennessee delegation. . . 

The toast of Governor Brown, at a dinner given by General Pil¬ 
low and himself to the delegates of the Convention, declaring 
that in five days the Tennessee delegation were brought into line, 
shows how previous mistrust had been changed into confi¬ 
dence.” 73 So much was made of this unguarded statement of 
Rhett’s that Brown thought it worth while to make a formal ex¬ 
planation. His alleged statement was very speciously converted 
into a mere dinner jest which had had reference only to the 
arrangement of the tables at which the guests were seated. 74 
Brown communicated to the newspapers a letter in defense of 
the convention and the Tennessee delegation, which like most of 
his productions, was rather rhetorical. 75 A more impressive 
document was the letter of Nicholson which appeared in the 
Union. From his experience in the convention Nicholson de¬ 
clared that there had been a general agreement on conservatism 
and that the convention had steadily looked toward harmonizing 
the South. It was a pioneer in a grand movement for the pres¬ 
ervation of southern rights. It had given a quietus, he believed, 
to the idea of secession. He had yielded a reluctant assent to 
the proposal of the line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes 
which to him involved congressional intervention on one side of 
the line and not on the other. He thought it a mistake for south¬ 
ern men violently to attack the compromise as reported, which 
was as much southern as northern in origin. 76 

Meanwhile early in July, after the adjournment of the Nash¬ 
ville convention, and just before the illness of President Taylor, 
Bell made in the senate a very long speech, which occupied in 
the delivery parts of three days. 77 At this time he strangely re¬ 
pudiated his own plan of February, which, he said, was made up 
of propositions submitted by others; yet he spent some time 
replying to the criticisms made of it. He now undertook to de- 

73 Nashville Union, July 3, 1850; Nashville True Whig and Weelcly Commercial 
Begister, July 5, 1850; Bepiiblican Banner and Nashville Whig, July 27, 1850. 

74 Nashville Union, July 11, 1850. 

75 Ibid., July 1, 1850; Nashville True Whig and Weelcly Co7nmercial Begister, July 
5, 1850. 

76 Nashville Union, June 23, 1850. Nicholson’s argument was ably criticised in the 
Nashville True Whig and Weelcly Commercial Begister, June 28, 1850. 

77 Congressional glole, 31 congress, 1 session, ap., 1088-1106. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


341 


fend the plan of President Taylor and involved himself in a run¬ 
ning debate with Clay, who, he intimated, in his insistence upon 
the plan of the committee, was exercising a “moral despotism.” 
The basis of this attack was Clay’s speech of May 21 in which 
he defended, as he claimed, the bill of the committee against 
the administration. The issue between the president and Clay, 
Bell said, presented the old question whether Mahomet would 
go to the mountain, or the mountain should come to Mahomet. 
He did not undertake to say which was Mahomet or which the 
mountain. Clay retorted that he only wanted the mountain to 
let him alone. 

As the debate progressed, Foote accused Bell of inconsistency 
in abandoning his own suggestions. “But in regard to those 
resolutions of his,” Foote said, “upon which the great plan of 
adjustment is principally based, I must confess that whilst I 
recognized him as decidedly a public benefactor in proposing 
them, for which I have always considered him entitled to pe¬ 
culiar gratitude, yet it seems he has been merely contriving to 
lead myself and others into a mistake, and has induced us to 
accord a respect and favor to his own resolutions, which he is 
himself willing to show was misplaced.” Bell replied that the 
committee of thirteen, with Foote and his friends, deserted him 
and cut off the only one of his resolutions that he had particu¬ 
larly at heart. Foote urged that Bell’s course, if he really in¬ 
tended to support the compromise would weaken the support to 
it in the South. Bell disclaimed any such purpose, and modest¬ 
ly depreciated the extent of his own influence outside of his own 
state. After a long running comment on each of the measures 
contained in the compromise, he asserted that he would support 
any plan “ which holds out the remotest prospect of restoring 
peace and harmony to the country.” “And whatever doubts,” 
he continued, “I may entertain of the efficacy of the one now 
presented for the decision of the Senate, I expect to give it my 
vote, unless I shall see that some other more acceptable measure 
is more likely to find favor with Congress.” 

The point which we have indicated was reached by Bell to¬ 
wards the conclusion of his remarks upon the second day. For 
the remainder of this day and upon the next Bell’s speech be¬ 
came an eloquent, thoughtful, and conservative discourse upon 


342 


St. George L. Sioussat 


m. y. H. K. 


the history of the past of the United States and upon the larger 
aspect of the questions which were then agitating the public mind. 
Nowhere is found a better expression of his attitude towards the 
political issues of the United States. But of the first part of his 
speech the New York Herald said that it was “a sweeping round 
and round the Omnibus, very seldom coming within hailing dis¬ 
tance of the driver/’ and called it “ dreadfully metaphysical, 
abstruse, and dull.” 78 Late in September, after the adoption 
of the compromise measures and the adjournment of congress, 
Bell had republished in the Nashville True Whig and Weekly 
Commercial Register his remarks of July 5 and 6, prefacing 
them with a letter rather pessimistic in tone. The crisis, he said, 
was not passed. He complained bitterly of the use of money 
under the disguise of the federal patronage “to operate as a 
standing premium to successful factions.” He urged the sons 
of Tennessee to cultivate a spirit of harmony as the state would 
inevitably play a large part in the decisions of the future. 79 This, 
of course, was after the death of Taylor, an event which must 
have been a severe blow to Bell. The part which Bell might 
have played had the president lived affords ground for interest¬ 
ing speculation. 

In contrast with Bell’s somewhat uncertain course, Turney 
consistently threw in his lot with Davis of Mississippi and his 
coworkers. These carried out the ideas of the southern conven¬ 
tion, endeavoring, first, so to amend the Texas and the California 
measures as to render them satisfactory to the South, and, fail¬ 
ing in this, to defeat the compromise. According to a document 
said to have been found by federal soldiers in 1863, in Win¬ 
chester, Tennessee, the home of Senator Turney, an agreement 
was signed on August 2, 1850, by ten southern senators to “avail 
ourselves of any and every means which a majority of those 
signing this paper may determine to prevent the admission of 
California as a state unless the southern boundary be reduced to 
36° 30' . . .” The first name upon the list is that of H. L. 

Turney. Upon the reverse of the document is a record of a vote 
taken by these ten senators on the question of resisting “by all 
Parliamentary means” the passage of the bill, which was lost 

78 Cited in Nashville Union, July 16, 1850. 

79 Nashville True Whig and WeeTdy Commercial Register, September 27, 1850. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


343 


upon a tie. Turney voted aye, with Davis, Soule, Morton, and 
Yulee. 80 Despite all their opposition the bill was passed by the 
senate August 13. Hunter of Virginia then presented a protest 
on behalf of this same group, on which, also, Turney’s name ap¬ 
pears. 81 The news of the passage of the compromise measures 
was received in Nashville with the booming of cannon, and an 
enthusiastic meeting was held which passed resolutions of thanks 
to those of the senators and representatives of Tennessee who 
had supported those measures. The exclusion of Turney by 
such words was deliberate, 82 

Very shortly after the adjournment of the June session of the 
convention, E. G. Eastman, the editor of the Union , had been 
dismissed by the owner Watterson, and later had become editor 
of the American.** The latter newspaper at once took on a 
stronger southern tone. It was the only Nashville paper to de¬ 
fend Turney and the only one to dissent from the chorus of ap¬ 
proval of the compromise. Yet even the American , so late as 
October, declared that a second session of the southern conven¬ 
tion “could not now do any good.” 84 When, therefore, the 
southern intransigents determined that the action of congress 
did justify a second session, the convention, shorn of numbers 

so “Fifth annual report of the historical manuscripts commission ,’ 1 ap. 1, in 
American Historical Association, Annual report , 1900 (Washington, 1901), 1:602-603. 
Cited in R. G. Thwaites, Descriptive list of manuscript collections of the State His¬ 
torical Society of Wisconsin (Madison, 1906), 146; and (not quite accurately) by Miss 
Cleo Hearon in ‘ * Mississippi and the compromise of 1850, ” in Mississippi Historical 
Society, Publications, 14: 139, n., 140, n. 

81 Congressional globe, 31 congress, 1 session, 1578. 

82 Nashville True Whig and Weekly Commercial Register, September 27, 1850. 
Turney voted for the fugitive slave law and the Utah bill, and against the Texas 
boundary bill, the California bill, and the bill for the abolition of the slave trade in 
the District of Columbia. Bell, on the other hand, voted for the Texas, the Cali¬ 
fornia, and the fugitive slave bill, and against the Utah bill. On the New Mexico 
and the District of Columbia bill he cast no vote. Of the Tennessee delegates in the 
house of representatives the whig members supported the compromise measures, except 
the District of Columbia bill, for which only M. P. Gentry gave a favorable vote. 
On this and on the Texas and New Mexico bills, the Utah bill, and the fugitive slave 
bill, the democrats joined with the whigs, unless an individual refrained from voting 
at all. The only real division of sentiment appeared in the case of the California 
bill. Here the votes were seven to four. All the negative votes were democratic; 
on the affirmative side were all the whig names, and those of these democrats: G. W. 
Jones, Ewing, and Andrew Johnson. Cluskey, Political teoct-book, 107-109. 

83 Nashville Union, July 22, 1850. 

84 Centre-State American, October 15, 1850. 


M. V. H. R. 


344 St. George L. Sioussat 

and strength, reassembled on November 11, in an atmosphere 
distinctly hostile. 

The meetings, which lasted through seven days, were held in 
the Christian church; and the procedure was much the same as 
before. The most vivid incident was, perhaps, the fiery speech 
of the aged Cheves, who urged immediate secession. 85 While 
the South Carolinians were in control, the general leadership 
was placed in the hands of C. C. Clay of Alabama. Less than 
sixty delegates attended, and only the South Carolina and the 
Tennessee delegations were to any extent composed of the same 
men as in the June session. 86 The explanation is found, of 
course, in the withdrawal of the conservatives from other states, 
such, for example, as Judge Sharkey. Instead of a hundred, 
Tennessee now had but fourteen representatives and most of 
these were the politicians around Nashville. Among them were 
Brown, Pillow, Nicholson, and Donelson. These now attempted 
to stem the tide of radicalism in the convention by the prepara¬ 
tion and introduction of the “Tennessee Kesolutions,” 87 which 
were much more moderate than those adopted by the convention. 

ss Nashville Daily American, November 16, 1850. Miss Hasse (see ante, note 64) 
was unable to find this speech in the eastern papers. 

86 For the official journal and the accounts in the Nashville papers see ante, note 64. 

87 On November 11 the Tennessee delegates held a meeting and Brown and Nichol¬ 
son were appointed to draw up resolutions. Brown undertook the task and next 
morning some verbal amendments were made by Nicholson. At another meeting of 
the Tennessee delegation the resolutions were reported by Nicholson but read by 
Governor Brown as they were in his handwriting. After some further amendments, 
all in the direction of compromise, the resolutions were adopted and ordered to be re¬ 
ported by General Pillow, chairman of the Tennessee delegation. These resolutions 
stated that the compromise measures fell short of justice to the South, yet to give 
proof of loyalty to the union Tennessee would accept them. This determination, 
however, was predicated on the express condition that the North should do her part. 
Also it was to be distinctly understood that the compromise measures embraced all 
the actions in regard to slavery to be taken by the North, and that no attempt would 
be made to alter southern representation, to abolish slavery, to prevent the trans¬ 
portation of slaves from one slave-holding state to another by their lawful owners nor 
on antislavery grounds, to prevent the admission of any new states. 

The resolutions further stated that if the North failed to observe its promises and 
continued to harass the South, the South should boycott the North commercially, not 
as a matter of revenge but as a means of self-defense until means of redress should 
be obtained. This idea of commercial reprisal was a favorite one with Governor 
Brown. The last resolution recommended that, if congress should violate any of the 
conditions laid down, the legislature of each southern state should call a convention 
which should send delegates to meet “at such time and place as may be agreed on, 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


345 


On the last day, as their efforts had received unfavorable con¬ 
sideration in the committee on resolutions,, they tried to get a 
hearing in the convention, but were stopped by the application 
of the previous question. Brown and Nicholson both wished to 
speak, but were willing to forego this as the delegates wished to 
adjourn. Donelson, however, moved a reconsideration of the 
vote and, despite adverse ruling from the chair, tried to hold the 
floor, with some disorder and applause from the galleries. 88 The 
refusal to hear Donelson was resented by many, while only the 
American considered his action and the noise of the crowd dis¬ 
courteous to the convention. 89 From the whig newspapers, of 
course, the cries of condemnation for the resolutions of the con¬ 
vention were unanimous: but the Union was no less denuncia¬ 
tory. The convention was “admitted to have been a complete 
failure,” 90 and the readers of the paper were edified by the re- 

with full power and authority to do anything and everything which the peace, 
safety and honor of the South may demand. ’ ’ 

These propositions of Tennessee were much in contrast with those adopted by the 
convention, which stated that all the evils anticipated by the South and which oc¬ 
casioned this convention to assemble had been realized by the failure to extend the 
Missouri compromise to the Pacific ocean, and by the provisions of the compromise. 
The convention recommended that all parties in the slave-holding states should refuse 
to go into any national convention for the purpose of nominating candidates for the 
presidency and vice-presidency of the United States, until the South’s constitutional 
rights had been secured. It was recommended further that there should be held a 
convention of slave-holding states wfith full power and authority to act either for re¬ 
storing the constitutional rights of the South or provide for future safety and inde¬ 
pendence. 

The Tennessee resolutions appear in the official Journal of proceedings, 17-18; 
the resolutions adopted by the convention ibid., 31-34. Both are to be found in 
Cluskey, Political text-boolc (see ante f note 64). The account of the action of the 
Tennessee delegation is taken from a note appended to an edition of the speech of 
Aaron V. Brown. See post, note 92. 

Cole ( The whig party in the South, 181) says “the Union victory in Georgia must 
have had a dampening influence on the second session of the Nashville Convention.” 
The election in Georgia was held November 3. It would be improbable, in view of the 
poor telegraphic communication in the South outside of the largest towns, that news of 
the results of this election should reach Nashville in little over a week. As a mat¬ 
ter of fact, the whig newspapers, which would have rejoiced to flaunt the outcome in 
Georgia in the face of the convention, have nothing to say of it until long after the 
adjournment of the convention. The principles of the “Georgia Platform,” on the 
other hand, may be profitably compared with those of the Tennessee resolutions. 

88 Nashville Union, November 19, 1850. 

89 Nashville Daily American , November 19, 1850. 

90 Nashville Union , November 20, 1850. 


M. V. H. R. 


346 St. George L. Sioussat 

printing of tlie strongest paragraphs in General Jackson’s proc¬ 
lamation of 1832. 91 

When the undelivered speeches of Brown and of Nicholson 
were published, 92 it was evident that there was a serious differ¬ 
ence between the two men. 93 This was kept alive in the two 
democratic newspapers — the Union following Nicholson and 
the American representing Brown. The results were serious; 
in fact it is to this breach, in large part, that the loss of the dem¬ 
ocratic party in Tennessee, in the elections of 1851 and 1852, is 
to be ascribed. 94 When Tennessee was redeemed for the democ¬ 
racy, it was not the work of Brown, but of a man of very differ¬ 
ent type, the east Tennessee leader, Andrew Johnson. 95 

A study of the relation of Tennessee to the events of 1849- 
1850 shows, then, that the “Southern movement” became, in 
Tennessee, a party matter, and that the great body of whigs were 

November 23, a very large union meeting was held in the hall of the house of 
representatives. The chief speaker was A. J. Donelson, who in the course of his re¬ 
marks told an interesting story of the grief with which General Jackson broke with 
his former friends Hayne and Hammond, in 1832. Nashville Union, November 25, 26, 
1850. 

92 That of Nicholson in the Union, November 30, 1850; that of Brown in the 
American, in his Speeches (see ante, note 1), and in pamphlet form, Speech of Ex- 
Gov. Aaron V. Brown, in the second session of the southern convention, on the resolu¬ 
tions reported Saturday, 15th Nov., 1850; published in pursuance of a declaration 
made to the convention, after the previous question had been called, that Gov. B. 
would do so (Nashville, Tenn.: Eastman and Boyers, Printers, American Office, 
1850), pp. 1-12. Paged continuously with this are the Tennessee resolutions and a 
“Note” as to their origin (pp. 13-16). 

93 Brown continued to defend the South Carolinians. The American said (No¬ 
vember 20, 1850): “Would it not be well for some of those who now find time for 
nothing else than abuse for South Carolina and Georgia to remember who it was, 
when Tennessee found it impossible to raise money to build the Nashville and Chat¬ 
tanooga Railroad, stepped forward and took a third of the stock?” This suggests 
a topic which limits of space do not allow us to consider in this paper. A little 
later the Union referred to Brown as standing with one leg in Tennessee and one leg 
in South Carolina, and humorously urged the ex-governor to “haul in that South 
Carolina leg before it is too late.” Nashville Union, November 27, 1850. 

94 The widening breach between Brown and Nicholson was regretfully reported to 
Buchanan by Cave Johnson. (Johnson-Buchanan letters, November 10, December 13, 
1850.) In November, 1853, Johnson wrote: “We have lost the state the last two 
elections by the rivalry between A. V. B. and A. O. P. N., and for want of union 
and harmony in their movements.” (Ibid., November 20, 1853.) In 1851 Turney 
lost his seat in the senate. 

95 See a paper by the present writer: ‘ ‘ Tennessee and national political parties, 

1850-1860,” in American Historical Association, Annual report, 1914. 


Vol. II, No. 3 


The Nashville Convention 


347 


consistently opposed to it. John Bell, the party leader, jealous 
of Clay, tried to support President Taylor against the plans of 
the Kentucky compromiser: but Taylor’s death left him without 
a position, and he fell in with the senate’s measures. Among 
the democrats, there was at one and the same time a devotion 
to the union, inherited from the days of Jackson, and a distinct 
prosouthern spirit. In the first session of the Nashville con¬ 
vention, the democratic leaders were in part swept off their feet 
by the southern current; and they, too, were left in a peculiar 
position, when, having resolved to insist on the line of the Mis¬ 
souri compromise, they were forced to accept a compromise 
which entirely disregarded that line. In the case of the second 
session of the convention, the chief result was the development 
of a factional fight between Brown and Nicholson, disastrous for 
the democratic party. Beyond these conclusions it is not wise, 
perhaps, to go: for this paper deals primarily with the history 
of Tennessee. But it is hardly possible, if one examines the 
materials which have been the basis for this paper, to avoid the 
impression that the Nashville convention was really more 
important than it has been thought to be, and that the death of 
General Taylor was an event of greater significance than has 
sometimes been realized. Certainly the history of the compro¬ 
mise of 1850 is still worthy of investigation. 

St. George L. Sioussat 


Vanderbilt University 
Nashville, Tennessee 


























































































































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